Dec. 9, 2025, 7:56 p.m.
(Russian equipment on the bridge over the Dniester near Bender. PHOTO: TASS)
In the 1980s, the vast and clumsy Soviet empire was living out its last days. Apparently, in the parts of the empire that had been neglected for decades, national consciousness and the desire to recreate their own statehood began to awaken. The USSR no longer had the strength to fight and was supposedly forced to accept the determinism of the historical process. Now we know that a new monster was to be born on the ruins of the Soviet empire. Just as Voldemort laid out horcruxes for his return, Russia almost immediately resorted to creating buffer zones and pockets of separatism in the territories of the newly created nation-states. One of the first such "horcruxes" was laid in Transnistria. We will try to find out whether this "horcrux" was laid deliberately in the following article.
At the end of the 1980s, nationalist movements were actively spreading in the republics of the USSR. The Moldavian SSR was no exception. Representatives of the "People's Front of Moldova" held anti-Soviet rallies in Chisinau with thousands of people, where, in particular, the language issue was regularly promoted. Public sentiment resulted in the adoption of a language law in 1989. Moldovan was declared the only state language. Other languages were guaranteed free use, and Russian was granted a special status as a language of interethnic communication. By modern standards, this was a fairly moderate version of the language law, but lawmaking on the language issue always electrifies and polarizes society. In the Moldavian SSR of that time, two main trends of public opinion also emerged. The first, the nationalist trend, was aimed at the fastest possible departure from everything Soviet-Russian. In particular, it was about changing all Soviet symbols, translating the Moldovan language into Latin, and possibly joining Romania. The basis of the second trend was formed by the Soviet party nomenklatura and immigrants from other regions of the USSR. These people considered themselves part of the Soviet Union, not Moldova, so they were not going to learn Moldovan. At the same time, the development of the first trend could mean a significant deterioration in their social situation.
In the then Moldavian SSR, Transnistria, a territory in the east of the republic, became one of the centers of pro-Soviet thought. This region occupies almost the entire Moldovan left bank of the Dniester River and has several settlements on the right bank. In the northeast, Transnistria borders Odesa and Vinnytsia regions of Ukraine. Transnistria is a densely populated industrial region. During the Soviet era, people of different nationalities, mainly Russians and Ukrainians, moved there willingly. At the time of the events, the ethnic groups of Moldovans, Russians, and Ukrainians each accounted for one-third of the region's population.
Transnistria on the map of Moldova. MAP: Wikipedia
In response to the development of the nationalist movement, the United Council of Labor Collectives (UCC) was formed in Tiraspol. Starting with labor strikes, the ORTC soon initiated a referendum on the creation of the Transnistrian Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (TMSSR), which was proclaimed on September 2, 1990. In other words, Transnistria thus wanted to become a full-fledged Soviet republic, which could claim independence in the event of the collapse of the USSR.
When great empires collapse, new countries are always naturally formed. However, there must be certain cultural and historical grounds for the emergence of a new entity, otherwise the world community will not recognize the new country. So did Transnistria have any grounds to claim statehood? In the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries, modern Transnistria changed hands or was simply a border area on the banks of the Dniester with formal control by a particular state. The changes begin in 1792, when the Treaty of Yassa ceded the left bank of the Dniester to the Russian Empire under the Treaty of Yassa. Until 1812, Transnistria remained a mere borderland, but according to the Treaty of Bucharest, Russia took Bessarabia from the Ottomans. From that moment on, Transnistria became part of the Bessarabian province. Shortly after the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917, the Moldovan Democratic Republic was proclaimed on the territory of Bessarabia, which was quickly absorbed by Romania. At the same time, Transnistria remained with the Bolsheviks and later became part of the USSR. In 1924, the Bolsheviks made a strategic decision to separate the artificial Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, which included Transnistria and part of the Odesa region, from the Ukrainian SSR. The idea was to create a historical demand for the return of Bessarabia and the subsequent formation of a full-fledged Moldovan SSR. This is what eventually happened in 1940, when the Bolsheviks politely asked Romania, which could not refuse. To summarize the historical record, we note that Transnistria was only once an important component of an administrative unit that had a different name. The territory had neither its own statehood, nor its own language, nor its own culture, nor certain religious characteristics, which, from a historical perspective, makes its aspirations for independence rather doubtful.
Moldavian ASSR in 1924-1940. MAP OF THE ASSR: Wikipedia
In December 1990, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR abolished the formation of the Moldavian SSR. Mikhail Gorbachev still hoped that the Titanic would be able to go around the iceberg. Interestingly, the PMSSR ignored the decision of the central government and continued to function.
On August 19, 1991, a coup began in Moscow. Transnistria initially supported the Putschists, but it quickly became clear that they would not be able to hold on to power. Therefore, on August 25 (the day after Ukraine), Transnistria declared its independence. Interestingly, Moldova did so only on August 27. As anarchy reigned in Moscow, they decided to turn to Kyiv. There were definitely some negotiations between Kyiv and Tiraspol, but their content is unknown. There is an opinion that Transnistria was ready to become part of Ukraine. This version seems doubtful, as national ideas were also intensifying in Ukraine at the time. It is not at all certain that Transnistrian Russians would have enjoyed learning Ukrainian instead of Moldovan. On the other hand, it is hard to imagine how Ukraine would have taken Transnistria, given the location of the 14th Guards Combined Arms Army of the USSR on the territory of the breakaway country. In any case, Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov visited Kyiv on August 28, where he was arrested by Moldovan special forces the next day.
In the following months, Moldova and Transnistria began to gather forces for a serious clash. Since the Moldavian SSR was not an independent country, it did not have its own army at that time. In the fall of 1991, Moldova could count on units subordinated to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. At that time, Transnistria was actively forming a volunteer guard. The already mentioned 14th Army provided significant assistance to the separatists in this process. In 1991, the army did not take part in the clashes, but it distributed weapons to the separatists and helped train volunteer units. In addition, some of the army's combat units gradually began to move to the side of Transnistria. At the time, the 14th Army was headed by Lieutenant General Gennady Yakovlev. He performed so well that on December 3, he was offered the position of head of the republican defense and security department of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic. However, accepting the position angered Moscow, and the general was immediately dismissed from the post of army commander.
In the fall and winter of 1991, there were a number of armed clashes in Transnistrian cities due to tensions between the Moldovan police and local militia and volunteers. Moldova sent police units and special forces across the Dniester several times to take control of the cities of Dubasari and Grigoriopol, but had little success.
At the end of 1991, the USSR finally collapsed. Now the two newly created countries could legitimately engage in hostilities.
In 1992, the confrontation reached a new level. Moldova turned to Romania for help, from where weapons began to arrive and volunteers began to arrive. Transnistria was not left without help either. Volunteers from Russia, mostly Cossacks, began to arrive here. Among the future "celebrities" in the conflict was Igor Strelkov-Girkin. Moreover, representatives of the Ukrainian Self-Defense Organization, led by Dmytro Korchynsky, decided to support the separatists. In an interview with Radio Svoboda three years ago, Korchynsky explained the actions of the UNSO for a number of reasons. According to him, "the majority of the population of Transnistria are Ukrainians." Korchynskyi also noted: "We thought that it was possible to create a liberated territory out of Transnistria, a robbery territory, free from the bureaucratic influence of both Ukraine and Moldova, and of course the Russian Federation, and try to make a kind of interesting armed romantic enclave there." Of course, the idea of Ukrainian dominance in Transnistria does not stand up to criticism. And Russia's assistance in creating numerous centers of separatism looks strange from a historical perspective. Although it is clear that in 1992 it was not so easy to see this.
On March 1, the head of the Transnistrian police in Dubasari, Igor Shipchenko, was killed. The rebels accused the police of the murder and laid siege to the local police station. As a result of the storming, the police station was forced to lay down its arms. Transnistria decided to build on its success at the expense of villages in the Dubasari district. On March 13, the village of Cosnita was attacked, but the attack was repelled. On March 17, another attack was made on Cosnita and neighboring Cocieri. At the end of March, Moldova announces partial mobilization. In early April, Russian Vice President Alexander Rutskoy visits Transnistria and promises the locals that Russia will not abandon them.
April and May are spent in battles that are not particularly successful. Moldovan troops try to move toward Dubasari and Bender. At the same time, Moldovan troops obviously lack military experience, motivation and technical equipment. The separatists periodically respond with artillery borrowed from the 14th Army.
The key battle in the war was the Battle of Bendery in June 1992. Bendery is a city on the right bank of the Dniester River that belonged to the Transnistrian control zone. In order to understand the specifics of the conflict, it should be noted that in most of these cities, the Moldovan police continued to function and maintain order. Thus, in the afternoon of June 19, police officers arrested Major Igor Ermakov on suspicion of subversion. In response, the rebels opened fire on the police station. The Moldovan government ordered troops to enter Bender and take control of the city. The army entered the city in armored personnel carriers from different directions. Several combat vehicles hit mines, but there was no organized defense of the key city. The battle on the streets was centered around individual buildings - barracks, police stations, the post office, and the executive committee.
The Transnistrians tried to break through the bridge to the right bank, but a battery of Rapier guns well located around the bridge suppressed all attempts to break through for a long time. Finally, a column of armored personnel carriers broke through the blockade, and the battery was captured. Now Transnistrian units began to pour into the city, and Moldovan troops moved to defend individual houses and neighborhoods. Moldovan aviation received an order to destroy the bridge to block the influx of separatists from the left bank. However, three MiGs with inexperienced pilots failed to destroy the target. The 14th Army is not directly involved in the events, but "volunteers" from its ranks join the Transnistrians along with their equipment. Moldovan troops are gradually pushed back to the outskirts of Bender.
Separatists during the battle for Bendery in June 1992. PHOTO: Wikipedia
On June 23, an officer called "Colonel Gusev" arrives in Transnistria. This pseudonym was used by General Alexander Lebed, who was sent by Moscow to investigate the situation and establish control over it. Lebed treated Transnistrian separatists with disdain, but he hated Moldovans and called them "fascists." So his commitment to the conflict was obvious. Lebed headed the 14th Army and established air defense, which resulted in the downing of a Moldovan MiG on June 26. On the night of July 3, Russian artillery and mortar batteries delivered a devastating blow to Moldovan positions, effectively ending active hostilities.
The 14th Army was stationed in this fortress during the conflict. PHOTO: Wikipedia
On July 21, 1992, Moldovan President Mircea Snegur and Russian President Boris Yeltsin signed a peace agreement in the presence of Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov. The agreement provided for the cessation of hostilities, the withdrawal of armed forces and the creation of a buffer zone between them, the establishment of a special commission to resolve key issues and a joint peacekeeping force. At the same time, the agreement was interim in nature and did not define the status of Transnistria in the state of Moldova.
It is believed that about a thousand people died in the conflict and about three thousand were injured. As a result of the conflict, Russia disbanded the 14th Army and left about 1,300 soldiers in Transnistria who were supposed to join the joint peacekeeping force.
In 1991, the destruction of the USSR was perceived as the beginning of a new era. There were even hopes that Russia would become part of the democratic world. One way or another, it was hard to foresee that a new aggressive empire would be born on the ruins of the USSR. If we consider Russia's role in the Transnistrian conflict of 1990-92, we should not overestimate its influence and manipulative abilities. It should not be forgotten that until the very end of December 1991, there was no independent Russia, and the ruins of the USSR were in disarray. However, Russia was a quick study. And it was ready to use the new experience in future conflicts.
Many sources significantly exaggerate the power of the 14th Army at the time of the Transnistrian conflict. In the early 1990s, the army was virtually left to its own devices. Even so, it remained the main force in the region. Moldova did not yet have its own army, while Transnistria used volunteer units. Therefore, the army's favoring of the separatists effectively put an end to Moldova's dreams of preserving its sovereignty.
The right of countries and peoples to self-determination is a rather important issue in the historical context. It may be logical to assume that after the collapse of an empire, everyone can gain independence. In fact, such a right must be historically justified, otherwise the newly born country will not receive global recognition. This is what happened with the ambitions of Transnistria, which were actively fueled by Russia in the following decades. Today, only Abkhazia and South Ossetia recognize Transnistria's independence.
Олег Пархітько
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