From the attacks on Moscow to Pushkin School: How Moldova Sees Odessa

Ukrainian long-range strikes pose a risk to Moldova due to the potential for escalation, but they could also weaken Russia’s influence in the former Soviet space. A full-scale war near the border brings inconveniences: drone debris drifting into the country, schemes for transporting draft dodgers... On the other hand, Ukraine’s future reconstruction offers hope for economic revival across the entire region: cooperation with neighbors, the construction of roads and bridges, and investments.

We reviewed Moldova’s leading media outlets to understand how they perceive Odesa, what their stance is, and which topics they focus on most.

Ziarul de Gardă: Odesa as a Security Issue

This is an independent, high-quality publication known for its investigative reporting. Among Moldovan media outlets, it covers our city the most. And it’s not just war or crime reporting.

In the blog post “When Explosions Echo at Your Doorstep…,” author Olga Bulat assesses Ukraine’s strikes on Moscow. She writes that while these strikes do not lead to a turning point, they do force the Russians to redeploy their forces and have a powerful psychological effect. But what do they mean for Moldova?

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Screenshot of the blog on the Ziarul de Gardă website

It might seem that the explosions in Moscow should be viewed with optimism in Moldova, but that’s not the case. The attitude is rather cautious.

These strikes could make the war “both close and distant,” the author writes, as they may carry risks but could also weaken Russian influence. As for the risks, this, of course, refers to a possible intensification of shelling. Since 2022, fragments of missiles and drones have strayed into Moldovan territory, and neighboring Romania has been forced to scramble F-16s. However, Ms. Bulat understands that any Russian successes in southern Ukraine could create a strategic corridor for an invasion of Moldova via Odesa. According to the author, this would affect not only Moldova’s security but also that of the EU. “The Republic of Moldova is a small and constitutionally neutral country, but it is geopolitically vulnerable—it is no longer just a passive observer but is becoming an indicator of the EU’s future security,” the blogger concludes.

This neutral stance of the publication—which simultaneously expresses support for Ukraine while maintaining a cautious attitude toward Russia—is evident not only in this article but also in how the publication reports on Russian shelling of Odesa. For example, all daily war reports are compiled by journalists into a single article, so news about explosions in our city might appear under a headline about a drone strike on the Russian city of Belgorod.

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The shelling of Odesa is reported in an article with a headline about Belgorod. SCREENSHOT:Ziarul de Gardă

Overall, it’s not entirely clear why Belgorod was specifically chosen for the headline, since the scale of destruction inflicted by the Russians on Ukraine was significantly greater. For example, in the Darnytskyi district of Kyiv, a Russian missile struck a high-rise building, resulting in 24 casualties in the capital. In Odesa, two people were injured, and buildings and cars were damaged.

Overall, in its reports on the shelling, the publication cites official Ukrainian sources: Oleg Kipper, head of the Kyiv Regional State Administration; the Ministry of Emergency Situations; and Deputy Prime Minister Oleksiy Kuleba. Apparently, the publication does not have its own correspondent in Odesa and does not send journalists to our city. As a result, the publication’s readers receive information that bundles reports from Oleg Kipper and the acting governor of Belgorod into a single package.

It seems that “the sides are shelling each other,” launching “retaliatory” strikes… Or, as Russian liberal Yulia Galyamina recently put it: “So that’s how it is! You killed our children, we’ll kill yours!” What’s happening and why remains unclear and confusing.

This kind of reporting is typical when international journalists cover wars: if the war isn’t taking place in your own country, it seems sufficient simply to relay the parties’ statements without providing a broader context. However, in the case of Moldova and Ukraine, we’re talking about close neighbors and, hopefully, an understanding by Moldovan journalists of the insidious nature of Russian propaganda. Therefore, more attentive journalism—one that takes into account the details and specificities of how Russia conducts its war—would be more useful to readers. If they truly see themselves as an “indicator of the EU’s future security”…

The publication also features exclusive interviews that mention our city. One of them is with Gavin Buchan, the Canadian ambassador to Moldova. In it, the diplomat stated that at the start of the full-scale invasion, the country was in danger. “If the Russians had reached Odesa, there was a perception that Moldova would be dragged back toward what is called the ‘Russian world.’” In another conversation with pro-Russian politician Renato Usatyi, it was noted that the intentions to capture our city at the start of the war were unfounded. The politician stated that Putin, who had planned to capture Odesa “in three days,” had seriously misjudged the number of Russian sympathizers in the region. Usaty also stated that he does not support the war, although he has been repeatedly accused of spreading Kremlin narratives. For example, in 2025, he claimed that Ukrainians were smuggling American weapons through Moldova. It was later revealed that this disinformation campaign had been coordinated by Russian agencies.

And, of course, Odesa is mentioned in reports on crime and corruption.

For example, the publication ran a story about Yevgeny Filonov, a member of the Odesa Regional Council and the son-in-law of the so-called “prime minister” of Transnistria. Journalists from the Ukrainian outlet Slidstvo.Info learned as early as 2022 that Filonov’s wife is the daughter of a top official in the unrecognized Russian entity on Moldovan territory. A former member of Medvedchuk’s now-banned party, “Opposition Platform—For Life,” failed to declare financial loans totaling over 58 million hryvnias, as reported by Ziarul de Gardă. It is also interesting to note that the photo accompanying this article shows the so-called Prime Minister Alexander Rosenberg, while there is no photo of Filonov himself.

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Screenshot of the article about Yevhen Filonov and undeclared loans inZiarul de Gardă

And finally, an article about a refugee from Odesa whose son attends the Alexander Pushkin School in Kaushany. It begins like this: “Behind the doors of the middle school in Kaushany, the healing of refugee children from Ukraine begins simply: a child who is no longer afraid to speak, another who returns home and enthusiastically talks about classmates, or mornings when students get ready for school on their own, without tears or fear. For many refugee families, the Alexander Pushkin Secondary School in Kaushan is more than just a place where children learn—it is a space where they are gradually trying to regain a sense of security after the war and years of instability.”

The article compiles testimonials from mothers in Ukraine who have enrolled their children in this school. The feedback is very positive. One of the women interviewed mentions that her child studied in Estonian, which was difficult; in Russian, it’s easier. The same goes for Romanian. However, it’s interesting that it didn’t occur to the author to ask the Ukrainian refugees how they felt about studying at this Russian school. For example, a Google search reveals that there is a museum of the “Great Patriotic War” there. In a video published in May 2022 on the YouTube channel “We Will Preserve the Truth About Victory!”, we see a bust of Lenin, St. George’s ribbons, and a girl in a Soviet military uniform...

Well, the article in the newspaper *Ziarul de Gardă* does not mention whether the museum is still operating at this school, whether Ukrainian refugee children have visited it, or what they think about it. We hope that someday Moldovan journalists will be able to explore more deeply the issue of Ukrainian refugees’ education in Russian schools and the possible influence of Soviet ideology on their upbringing.

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Screenshots from a video about the Military and Local History Museum at the O. S. Pushkin Lyceum in Caușeni

Newsmaker: Cross-border projects, shelling, and the banned Transnistria

Another independent Moldovan publication reports on the participation of the country’s now-former Prime Minister Alexandru Munteanu in a conference on Ukraine’s recovery, held in Gdańsk (As a reminder, the prime minister resigned, a move linked to the political crisis in the country). He said that several cross-border projects are currently being implemented, including those under the “Odessa Triangle” framework (which involves cooperation between Ukraine, Moldova, and Romania). These projects involve the modernization of roads, railways, and bridges, which “is intended to facilitate trade, transport, and, in particular, Ukraine’s economic recovery.”

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SCREENSHOTS: Newsmaker

The publication also mentioned Odessa in the context of so-called Transnistria. It turns out that the unrecognized republic has banned the use of the term “Transnistria.” “In Romanian, this word refers to a historical and geographical region and literally means the same thing as ‘Transnistria’ in Russian, since it has no negative connotations,” the publication writes. From the perspective of the “Transnistrian authorities,” Transnistria is a governorate centered in Odesa, which was established by the Romanian administration in the occupied territories of Ukraine and the Transnistrian region of Moldova during World War II. Therefore, they proposed equating the term with fascism and Nazism.

Most of the publication’s articles mentioning Odesa concern Russian attacks on the city and the region. They cover airstrikes on ports along the Danube and Russian shelling of ships. Official sources are cited: Oleg Kiper, head of the Odesa Regional State Administration; the Ukrainian Sea Ports Authority; and Serhiy Lysak, head of the city’s military administration. The articles mention the deaths of Odesa civilians and strikes on residential buildings.

Some articles conclude with a reference to Russia. “The Russian side has not commented on the strikes,” the article states, referring to Russia’s massive shelling of Ukraine on the night of April 16. In the background information accompanying the article about the attack on Odesa on the night of April 6—which reported three fatalities and strikes on residential buildings—the publication wrote: “Russia did not comment on the massive attack on Odesa. The Russian Ministry of Defense reported on the morning of April 6 that it had destroyed 50 Ukrainian drones overnight…” The article then lists the regions where this occurred.

I wonder what kind of comment the editorial staff was hoping for? About Nazi bases? Or about Romanian mercenaries?

But seriously, even in the case of Newsmaker, we’re seeing a detached perspective on Russia’s full-scale invasion. And unfortunately, the journalists seem to view their role as simply relaying the statements of both sides without delving too deeply into the details. One side launched drones; the other did too. Just like in the previous issue.

Agora: The arrest of a Moldovan from the International Legion and schemes to evade mobilization in “Transnistria”

In this spring-summer edition, Odesa was mentioned only eight times. Half of these were brief reports on shelling. The sources are Ukrainian and international media outlets: Kyiv Independent, DW, and the BBC.

Another military-related story covers the detention of a Moldovan citizen who served in the International Legion of the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ Territorial Defense. The article states that he deserted his military unit and was detained at the border. The Odessa consulate noted that it is in contact with him. For some reason, there have been no further reports on his fate.

The publication also reported on the detention of ambulance workers “while allegedly transporting a draft dodger who had disguised himself as an ambulance driver.”

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Screenshots of Agora’s articles

Odessa was mentioned in connection with the appointment of Alexei Tsurkan as Consul General of the Republic of Moldova. It was also mentioned in connection with threats by residents of the town of Sindzher to block the Chisinau–Odessa highway due to plans to build a waste processing center in their town. But these are very brief mentions.

In Conclusion

Both Ukraine and Moldova aspire to join the EU. For our country, this means economic and infrastructural integration with Moldova and Romania. In other words, in the future, there will be ordinary pedestrian and vehicle bridges between the countries that people can cross casually, perhaps just to pick up groceries or wine in a neighboring village.

However, it is not only the states but also the people who must be ready for unification. Agreements not based on mutual understanding will not work. For the media, this means delving deeper into the issues—not just reprinting news from various sources, but also telling people’s stories. Unfortunately, only one topic has been covered in this way so far—refugees and the Pushkin School.

But how many stories about people from Moldova do we publish here in Odesa?

If people—rather than dry reports—reach out to one another through our pages and screens, we’ll better understand how to grow stronger together as we stand up to an aggressive neighbor.

Наталія Стеблина

From the attacks on Moscow to the Pushkin School: How the Moldovan Media View Odessa

Ziarul de Gardă: Odesa as a Security Issue

Newsmaker: Cross-border projects, shelling, and the banned Transnistria

Agora: The arrest of a Moldovan from the International Legion and schemes to evade mobilization in “Transnistria”

In Conclusion

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