Anna Leonova: "Ukrainianness no longer requires giving up your other identities"

While Ukrainian brands are changing their rainbow avatars en masse in June, the real human rights movement in the regions remains a zone of constant risk and struggle for survival. In an interview with Intent, Anna Leonova, executive director of the Gay Alliance Ukraine and head of the OdesaPride organizing committee, speaks frankly about the 2026 Odesa Pride, security threats, the specifics of the southern tolerant "brand," and why going to the police sometimes turned into a leak of personal data to radicals.

What is the main mission of the Gay Alliance Ukraine for those who hear about the organization for the first time?

The official charter is written in dry legal language for the Ministry of Justice, but if you translate it into ordinary language, our mission is to unite the LGBTQ+ community in Ukraine, strengthen its voice and develop queer activism. We strive not only to nurture the internal culture, but also to engage the community in public life and democratic processes in the country.

What exactly does the term "queer community" mean?

If you ask two different people from our environment about this, you will hear two different versions, and this is quite normal. Historically, the abbreviation LGBTQ appeared earlier, and the word "queer" became an umbrella term that unites otherness. It encompasses people with very different experiences of their sexual orientation and gender identity, who feel different from the cisgender and heterosexual mainstream.

What exactly is meant by the term "pride" today?

In the global context, attitudes towards pride vary widely. In many successful European countries, such as the Netherlands, the pride movement has already been partially monetized and turned into large-scale, colorful commercial projects - think of the famous Amsterdam Water Parade. But for Eastern European countries, Pride remains a complex human rights movement, where going out into the streets is often associated with security risks.

Why is it important for the community to have a symbolic Pride month in June?

As a historian by training, I will turn to the facts. June became Pride Month in memory of the Stonewall riots in New York in 1969. However, there is no single global calendar: while in the United States, Spain, or Italy, events take place in early summer, in Scandinavia they last throughout the warm season, and in New Zealand they generally take place in the winter months. By the way, the term "Pride Month" first appeared in San Francisco, a city that has become a real mecca for the LGBTQ+ movement thanks to Harvey Milk's policies.

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In recent years, progressive Ukrainian brands have been changing their rainbow avatars en masse in June. How relevant is Pride Month for Ukraine?

It is extremely relevant. Our organization founded KyivPride and managed it from 2012 to 2015. We deliberately chose June to integrate into the global information context, when global media focuses on human rights. In addition, the Ukrainian Pride movement has long ceased to be a purely capital-based movement. Since 2015, we have been organizing OdesaPride, in 2018 we launched KryvbasPride, followed by initiatives in Zaporizhzhia and Kharkiv, and human rights forums in Kherson. Unfortunately, in 2026, due to wartime security conditions, not all regions can afford such street activism.

How does your organization's work affect the lives of people who are not members of the queer community?

Our work directly strengthens democracy in Ukraine. The democratic system is measured not only by the interests of the majority, but also by how the rights of small, vulnerable or discriminated groups are protected. We strive to live in a European country where the laws work for every citizen, not just those in power. By protecting the rights of minorities, we are building a law-based society for all Ukrainians.

How would you describe the perception of the LGBTQ+ community in southern Ukraine?

There is a certain paradox here. The official brand of Odesa always includes points about multiculturalism and tolerance. But as a historian, I understand that this is a beautiful myth, similar to the myth of "Russian-speaking Odesa." In fact, all local minorities had to fight hard for their right to safety - just think of the Jewish pogroms of the past centuries, which the authorities of the time turned a blind eye to. At the same time, Odesa, along with Kyiv, Kharkiv, and Dnipro, remains one of the four most attractive cities for the community, as it is a major tourist and economic center where it is easier to find work and housing.

What was the main lesson you learned while organizing the recent OdesaPride?

It was a pleasant discovery for me. Due to the shelling and energy problems, we did not hold events in 2023-2024 and were very worried about how the community and the police would react to the return of the street format. I was incredibly impressed by our volunteers - 20 people in a state of constant stress and lack of sleep sincerely joined the work not for the sake of any certificates for traveling abroad, but for a common goal. Everything went perfectly.

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How was security organized during the events in Odesa?

The police worked professionally. We were criticized by fellow human rights activists for announcing the dates late, but it was a conscious security strategy. We had to make sure that law enforcement officers could handle our opponents. About 30-40 aggressive people came out against the event, and the police easily restrained them. If we had made the announcement ten days earlier, radical groups would have had time to withdraw their forces from Kyiv or Kharkiv, and we would have seen a completely different picture. As a result, the participants on Primorsky Boulevard felt the two most important emotions of the pride: dignity and safety.

What does the interaction between the Pride movement and other city institutions look like now?

The process is complicated due to the historical isolation of Odesa's public sector. For example, in Kharkiv, human rights organizations are much more closely intertwined and support each other better. However, this year, for the first time, we successfully engaged local businesses in cooperation - about 15 Odesa establishments placed our information symbols. Also, advocacy and discussion of important bills in the media became a powerful unifying factor for the public across the country.

How has the understanding of Pride changed in Ukraine over the past ten years?

First, there is a clear understanding that the right to peaceful assembly cannot be canceled simply because someone does not like the event. In 2015, the authorities and the police perceived us as "demented youth who are making a scene". We had to go through all the courts up to the Supreme Court of Ukraine to set a precedent: the dislike of the mayor or the police chief is not a reason to ban an event. Secondly, the topic was detailed in politics. If earlier MPs avoided this rhetoric for fear of reputational losses, now the Verkhovna Rada and local administrations are discussing measures to combat hate crimes with no fear.

What stereotypes about LGBTQ+ people do you face most often?

As a woman in a lesbian relationship, I most often hear the myth that queer couples want to destroy the institution of marriage and do not want to have children. The worst thing is when such absurd things about "children from incubators" are voiced by high-ranking officials. Homosexuality does not deprive people of their reproductive needs and parental feelings. I want to raise my child in a safe country where there is no school bullying because of the family format. Another common stereotype is the existence of a mythical "gay lobby" that allegedly guarantees easy employment at high salaries for "their own". This is the same nonsense as conspiracy theories about other small groups.

How do you assess the current level of solidarity in Ukrainian society?

The main factor of solidarity is the war, there is no doubt about it. Personally, my identities as a Ukrainian and a lesbian were formed in parallel. I grew up in a Russian-speaking family, and when I started switching to Ukrainian as a teenager, my mother was surprised because I had only "a drop of Ukrainian blood" in me. I replied that this drop demanded justice. Back in 2010, the human rights and pro-Ukrainian movements often existed separately. Today, society has matured: being Ukrainian no longer requires giving up your other identities. We are all united by a shared responsibility for the future of the state.

What is the most difficult part of leading a national organization and a regional movement?

Difficulties arise from the unevenness of resources in the regions after the decentralization reform. What we can implement financially and organizationally in Odesa, Dnipro, or Vinnytsia is almost impossible to implement in Uzhhorod or Sumy region. We need the national level for large-scale advocacy of changes to legislation, such as the adoption of a law on partnerships. But in order to prevent this process from turning into a "desk study" that is often the case with the Kyiv human rights sector, we must constantly keep in touch with local communities.

How have your personal values changed over the years of human rights activism?

I used to be a romantic and believed that it was enough to unite for global change. Now I realize that any broad associations are usually short-term. We need to rely on long-term awareness and involvement of people on the ground. International experience shows that human rights protection has developed everywhere in a unique local context. In the United States, the success of Pride grew out of the general upsurge in civil rights and anti-war protests of the 1960s. In Europe, the situation depended on the historical legal framework: France had not criminalized same-sex relationships since the Revolution, while the UK and Germany had harsh homophobic laws. In Germany, the notorious Section 175 was repealed only in the first half of the 1990s, which meant that gay victims of Nazi concentration camps received legal rehabilitation thirty years later than others. There are two key legislative challenges for modern Ukraine today: the adoption of a law on hate crimes and ensuring full marriage equality that will protect the rights of children in queer families.

What helps you to keep fighting in moments of burnout and fatigue?

After the very first Odesa Pride in 2015, I instantly came to the attention of local right-wing radicals and clearly realized what the issue of personal safety was. When you file a report with the police because of threats or harassment, your personal data often falls into the hands of your opponents, and your phone starts to ring off the hook with harassment. It's hard. The only thing that saves you is the ability to concentrate on small daily victories. It is these micro-steps that later make up big historical changes.

Have you ever had a desire to quit activism and just hide?

The thought of changing the field of activity completely regularly arises. Even this year, before the Pride, I told my colleagues that this was my last season and I was retiring. But the event is a success, you see the eyes of these incredible, motivated young people, and you immediately start planning projects for next year. I just don't know how to stay away. When you see how the parliament is trying to push through some conservative "housekeeping" norms under the guise of European integration, you realize that if human rights defenders leave now, we will quickly find ourselves in a dictatorial legal vacuum, following the example of our northern neighbors.

How do you see Ukraine on the day when your mission as a human rights defender is fully accomplished?

I see a European Ukraine where rainbow flags are officially flown in front of every regional administration building during Pride month as a clear sign that local authorities respect, see and protect the equal rights of all their citizens.

Катерина Галенко