Zelenskyy's Inner Circle: Personnel Mistakes or a Systemic Issue?

When Volodymyr Zelenskyy won the 2019 election, he portrayed himself as someone who would come in, change the old political system, and bring new, clean people to power. The fight against corruption was one of the public’s main demands. However, seven years later, we are faced with a completely different question: why do people who were appointed to high-ranking positions by Zelenskyy or were part of his inner circle keep finding themselves at the center of corruption scandals time and again?

Of course, the president cannot personally monitor every move made by every official. A single poor choice can be chalked up to a mistake. A few such cases might also simply be a coincidence. But when similar stories repeat themselves year after year and lead directly to the Office of the President, explanations about isolated instances of unscrupulous officials sound less and less convincing.

One of the first striking examples was Oleg Tatarov. In August 2020, Zelenskyy personally appointed him deputy head of the Office of the President. Ironically, Tatarov was supposed to be responsible for law enforcement matters, which included the fight against corruption.

Soon, Tataro himself became the subject of an investigation by anti-corruption agencies. The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) investigated his possible involvement in the expert analysis related to the case of developer Maksym Mykytas. Of course, he was not convicted of corruption, so it would be premature to call him guilty. In December 2020, Tatarov temporarily suspended his official duties for the duration of the investigation, but he did not resign from his post. Subsequently, the case in which he was implicated was closed due to the expiration of the statute of limitations for the pre-trial investigation. However, another point is important for assessing Zelenskyy’s actions: even after the high-profile scandal, Tatarov remained within the presidential administration. In other words, the public was already aware of the problem, but this did not compel the president to sever ties with his high-ranking official.

Then the situation became even more serious. Timur Mindich—a longtime business partner and close associate of Zelenskyy—was implicated in Operation Midas. Mindich did not hold a high-ranking government position. This was no longer a matter of someone the president might have failed to vet properly before appointing, but rather a member of his long-standing inner circle.

According to the NABU and the SAP, an organization was operating in the energy sector that profited from contracts with Energoatom. In particular, investigators claimed that over 460 million hryvnias were allegedly laundered through the construction of a luxury cottage community.

It is important to emphasize that the Mindich case is significant precisely because of his longstanding connection to Zelenskyy. In this instance, it cannot be said that the mistake occurred on a competitive basis.

The story of Andriy Yermak was an even harder blow. He is not just an acquaintance, but a man who headed the Office of the President for years and was, in fact, one of the most influential people in the country. Such a position cannot be explained as a coincidence. Zelensky personally trusted Yermak and kept him close for years.

In 2026, anti-corruption investigations reached the former leadership of the Office of the President. NABU and the Special Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAPO) reported new allegations in the case involving the laundering of those same 460 million hryvnias. Again, a suspicion is not a conviction. But politically, the situation looked critical: the investigations did not concern some random officials on the periphery, but people at the very center of power.

After Yermak’s departure, Kyrylo Budanov became the head of the Office. It seemed like this was a chance to clean house or at least refresh the team. However, Budanov explained that he did not immediately replace all the deputies and decided to work with the existing structure.

It was within this structure that Iryna Mudra remained. In August 2026, she found herself at the center of a new investigation. The Forest Gump case became highly revealing, as it once again led the investigation back to the Office of the President.

In the case files regarding the fundraising for bail for former Minister Herman Galushchenko, Mudra, according to the released audio recordings, repeatedly referred to certain “leadership.” Journalists are currently actively debating who this “leadership” might be: Kirill Budanov, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, or someone else. It should be noted that the recordings mention “Kirill” and “Kirill Oleksiyovych.” Commenting on these recordings, Kirill Budanov simply suggested waiting for the court’s decision.

All in all, a rather interesting picture emerges. Tatarov, Mindich, Yermak, and Mudra are different people, involved in different cases, and with different legal statuses. But they have one thing in common: all these stories, in one way or another, revolve around the president’s inner circle. And this is precisely where the issue shifts from the legal realm to the political one.

One might assume that Zelenskyy truly was unaware of his people’s schemes. The president physically cannot monitor every conversation his subordinates or friends have. But if, over the course of seven years, serious problems arise time and again among people he personally appointed, supported, or trusted, this raises questions about his personnel policy and his ability to control his own inner circle.

There is another possibility: the president may have been aware of at least some of the risks or problems. This raises another question: why did these people remain close to the administration, and why didn’t the system react sooner?

It is particularly difficult to explain everything away as ignorance after the scandals became public. People knew about Tatarov. Problems within the president’s inner circle had been discussed for years. After the “Midas” scandal, these questions only intensified, yet new cases continue to emerge.

Therefore, after yet another scandal, it’s no longer enough to ask only about the responsibility of a specific official. The question of political responsibility also arises regarding the president, who formed this team and determined the circle of trusted individuals.

One failed official might be a personnel mistake. But when investigations over the years involve people from the president’s inner circle, the explanation that these were merely random, unfortunate appointments requires increasingly more justification.

Therefore, the main question today isn’t even whether Zelenskyy knew everything. It’s simpler than that: how many such incidents must occur before responsibility for them ceases to be solely the responsibility of his inner circle?
 
 

Кирило Стукалов

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